{"id":8434,"date":"2015-10-19T09:17:50","date_gmt":"2015-10-19T09:17:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/?p=8434"},"modified":"2016-03-01T15:02:36","modified_gmt":"2016-03-01T15:02:36","slug":"an-improbable-liberation-how-tanzanias-ruling-party-lost-a-rural-stronghold","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/an-improbable-liberation-how-tanzanias-ruling-party-lost-a-rural-stronghold\/","title":{"rendered":"An improbable &#8220;liberation&#8221; &#8211; How Tanzania&#8217;s ruling party lost a rural stronghold"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong><em>As outlined in \u201c<\/em><\/strong><a href=\"http:\/\/bit.ly\/TZVotes\" target=\"_blank\"><strong><em>How will Tanzanians vote on Sunday 25 October? The Battle for Bunge<\/em><\/strong><\/a><strong><em>\u201d the opposition hopes to secure a record number of MPs in parliament. While opinion polls suggest the presidency remains out of reach, the four opposition parties united under the banner <\/em><\/strong><strong>Umoja wa Katiba ya Wananchi <\/strong><strong><em>(Coalition of Defenders of the People\u2019s Constitution), or Ukawa, <\/em><\/strong><strong><em>are expected to make inroads in constituencies across the country. <\/em><\/strong><a href=\"http:\/\/www.politics.ox.ac.uk\/student-profile\/michaela-collord.html\" target=\"_blank\"><strong><em>Michaela Collord<\/em><\/strong><\/a> <strong><em>considers how Ukawa\u2019s largest party, <\/em><\/strong><strong>Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo\u00a0<em>(Chadema), might break into the Central Zone, a traditional heartland for the ruling <\/em>Chama Cha Mapinduzi<em> (CCM).<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<p>When Tanzanians voted in 2010, a notable exception to CCM hegemony in the centre of the country was the constituency of Singida East, where voters elected Chadema candidate Tundu Lissu as their MP. Five years on, Chadema is set to retain Singida East, sweep the district council and make gains in other areas of Singida Region. The details of this unlikely political turnaround are instructive, revealing how opposition parties can improve their showing in rural areas but also the potential limitations of such an approach.<\/p>\n<p><strong><em>Explaining Singida <\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u201cIn 1995 I was the only opposition candidate elected to office in the whole constituency,\u201d recalls Joe Lema. \u201cI was a village chairperson\u201d. Today Lema manages the Chadema parliamentary campaign team in Singida East. He traces the genesis of this political transformation back to Lissu\u2019s arrival on the scene in 2008.<\/p>\n<p>Lema says that the few people who had left CCM to join the opposition before then \u201chad no resources to work. There were no cars, no <em>bodabodas<\/em> (motorcycles). You couldn\u2019t go around on foot!\u201d When Lissu arrived, he came with two cars, the financial wherewithal to run a campaign and a clear message.<\/p>\n<p>A lawyer and human rights activist, Lissu concentrated on informing citizens of their rights. Specifically, he denounced what he and many others in Singida view as a major abuse of government authority: <em>michango<\/em>. These forced contributions are collected on an <em>ad hoc<\/em> basis across Tanzania, ostensibly to supplement spending on local development projects, drilling boreholes or building new schools for example.<\/p>\n<p>Lissu and others regard this form of coercive taxation as tantamount to \u201cstate lawlessness.\u201d In Singida, Village Executive Officers (VEOs), appointed at the district level, would demand payment or threaten to seize livestock. VEOs operated with the full backing of CCM-dominated village and district councils, but provided little to no accountability over how <em>michango<\/em> were spent. Resistance led to harassment and arrest by party vigilantes.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cI abolished <em>michango<\/em> on the pulpit,\u201d Lissu says of his campaigning in the run-up to the 2010 elections. \u201cEverywhere I told people, \u2018Don\u2019t take nonsense from anybody. Don\u2019t pay up. They ask you, you tell them our <em>mbunge <\/em>(MP) has said we shouldn\u2019t. If they want they can deal with me.\u2019\u201d Even before his election, the lawyer-turned-politician intervened to secure citizens\u2019 release from jail, which won him their confidence and support. Bernard, now a Chadema Youth chairman at ward level, recalls how in 2008 Lissu demanded that he and several others be released from police custody.<\/p>\n<p>Other Singida East residents cite improvements in local development since <em>michango<\/em> were effectively abolished. Speaking before a campaign rally in early September 2015, a group of Chadema supporters stressed that <em>vijana<\/em> (the youth) had been abandoning Singida East for rapidly growing urban centres like Mwanza and Arusha in order to avoid what they felt were the economically debilitating effects of <em>michango<\/em>. Now these same young people \u201care settling here, building here, farming\u2026Our youth are now doing wonderful things.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>One young woman remarked how in 2010 she had no party affiliation, but felt exploited by CCM:<\/p>\n<p>\u201cThey forced their way into our homes and took chickens, goats\u2026Now we eat chicken with our families. We sell a cow and we use the money for our families\u2026CCM people say Lissu has denied citizens development. But this is not true. Development and this country are now ours. Lissu has brought <em>ukombozi<\/em> (liberation).\u201d<\/p>\n<p>This \u201cliberation\u201d has led to substantial changes in the way the state is organised locally. The <em>raison d\u2019\u00eatre<\/em> for the whole class of VEOs and their \u201cmilitias\u201d disappeared with the end of <em>michango<\/em>. Two-thirds of appointed VEOs have reportedly now abandoned their positions, while many militias have disbanded.<\/p>\n<div id=\"attachment_8435\" style=\"width: 908px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-8435\" class=\"wp-image-8435\" src=\"https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/wp-content\/uploads\/2015\/10\/Rally-photo-1.jpg\" alt=\"Lowassa rally by Michaela Collord\" width=\"898\" height=\"673\" srcset=\"https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/wp-content\/uploads\/2015\/10\/Rally-photo-1.jpg 3072w, https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/wp-content\/uploads\/2015\/10\/Rally-photo-1-300x225.jpg 300w, https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/wp-content\/uploads\/2015\/10\/Rally-photo-1-1024x768.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 898px) 100vw, 898px\" \/><p id=\"caption-attachment-8435\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lowassa&#8217;s rally in Singida town<\/p><\/div>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><strong><em>Consolidating gains<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lissu\u2019s 2010 parliamentary campaign was not limited to the constituency of Singida East; he also toured the region to recruit members to Chadema. Lema recalls how, in 2008, \u201cthere was no party, but everywhere we went, we distributed party cards.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>In the 2009 local elections only five out of 44 villages in the constituency elected Chadema village chairpersons. Ahead of the 2010 general elections, the National Electoral Commission split the Singida South constituency into Singida East, Lissu\u2019s hometown, and Singida West, home to the then incumbent CCM MP. According to Lema, CCM used financial inducements to convince the Chadema parliamentary candidate in Singida West to abandon his efforts.<\/p>\n<p>In Singida East, the CCM parliamentary candidate was a prominent businessman. He used his personal wealth to bankroll the ruling party\u2019s council candidates and his own parliamentary bid, allegedly resorting to <em>rushwa<\/em> (bribes) to win support. CCM dominated the municipal elections, with Chadema only gaining three councillors, but in the parliamentary poll the CCM candidate narrowly lost to Lissu, who secured <a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/List_of_MPs_elected_in_the_Tanzania_general_election,_2010\" target=\"_blank\">50.89%<\/a> of votes cast.<\/p>\n<p>After the election, Lissu and his supporters continued their efforts to build Chadema as a party and toured all eight constituencies within Singida Region.\u00a0 Their aim remained \u201cto tell citizens about their rights, about getting rid of <em>michango<\/em>\u201d (Lema).<\/p>\n<p>Asked whether his tactics have worked, Lissu replies, \u201cYes, I think they have, big time.\u201d In the 2014 local elections, Chadema \u201cliterally destroyed CCM.\u201d The opposition more than doubled their representation nationwide, but <a href=\"http:\/\/www.ippmedia.com\/frontend\/?l=75272\" target=\"_blank\">the result in Singida East stood out<\/a>: Chadema won chairpersons in 41 villages, leaving CCM with only three.<\/p>\n<p>Chadema has invested in a voter registration drive ahead of the 2015 elections, something that the opposition has neglected to do in the past. Lissu believes that Chadema now stands \u201ca very good chance of actually winning 5 out of 8 constituencies in Singida region.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Success has brought attendant challenges. Lissu finds himself confronted by questions about accountability usually directed at a ruling party. Voters were particularly concerned when certain Chadema-dominated village councils attempted to reinstate <em>michango<\/em>. Meanwhile, the 2015 party primaries witnessed an unprecedented level of intra-party competition, leaving behind \u201cfairly significant wounds\u201d (Lissu).<\/p>\n<p>The defection of Edward Lowassa, a prominent CCM politician, to Chadema and his subsequent nomination as Ukawa presidential candidate also forced the party to \u201creshuffle [its] cards\u201d (Lissu). In Singida Urban, for example, Chadema dropped its selected parliamentary flag-bearer, a woman, in order to bring on board the former CCM Singida regional chairman, Mgana Msindai.<\/p>\n<p>Despite Chadema\u2019s gains, CCM is by no means a spent force in Singida Region. The ruling party boasts its own rising star in Mwigulu Nchemba, a former deputy secretary general of CCM who currently serves as MP for Iramba constituency and deputy finance minister. Nchemba\u2019s rapid rise and youthful, charismatic style are emblematic of CCM\u2019s efforts to renew its image. He has swapped the ruling party\u2019s traditional green attire for a patriotic scarf and a peaked cap.<\/p>\n<p>When touring his constituency in July, Nchemba presented himself as a local boy whose humble origins dictate that he will defend the interests of the poor. While formulating his personal brand \u2013 and implicitly acknowledging CCM\u2019s weaknesses \u2013 Nchemba promised to use his position in the ruling party bring development to the people of Iramba. He likened the opposition presence to that of a few buzzing flies, irritating but ultimately non-threatening.<\/p>\n<p><strong><em>Limitations <\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Are there lessons in Lissu\u2019s experience for opposition parties seeking to gain a foothold in rural Tanzania? Referring to <em>michango<\/em>, Lissu argues that \u201cif there is one rural issue that is a winning issue everywhere you go it is this one,\u201d and adds \u201cuniversally in rural Tanzania the single most important political question is the question of abuse of power by local officials.\u201d The message, he is convinced, should be \u201cGet rid of these tyrants!\u201d, through an emphasis on questions of rights, taxation, and theft of public resources.<\/p>\n<p>In Singida East, popular dissatisfaction with <em>michango<\/em> exposed a dissonance between CCM\u2019s rhetoric of <em>amani na utulivu<\/em> (peace and tranquillity) and the reality of coercive taxation. In the eyes of its supporters, Chadema has assumed the ruling party\u2019s mantle as provider of security through ending this form state predation.<\/p>\n<p>Lissu is the first to acknowledge that many in Chadema remain sceptical about his strategy. Some do not share his critical views on <em>michango<\/em>, seeing the problem as a question of execution; others, lacking his experience as a lawyer, feel ill-equipped to defend their supporters when they are charged with infractions. But the party as a whole does endorse a commitment to counter the <em>mafisadi<\/em> (the corrupt) and campaign for more transparent, accountable governance. It also understands the vital importance of selecting proactive parliamentary candidates.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cNo offense meant,\u201d says the MP for Singida East, \u201cbut I think a lot of places could do with a Lissu here and there.\u201d<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Ahead of elections in Tanzania, Michaela Collord suggests that opposition candidates might have success in the Central Zone, traditionally a support base of the ruling party.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":7,"featured_media":8435,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"inline_featured_image":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"_uf_show_specific_survey":0,"_uf_disable_surveys":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[17],"tags":[2067,2049,2051,2052,1294,932,1299,1122,2073,2071,2072,203,2070,2074,1315],"class_list":["post-8434","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-blog","tag-tanzaniadecides","tag-tz2015","tag-uchaguzi2015","tag-uchaguzitz","tag-ccm","tag-chadema","tag-cuf","tag-michaela-collord","tag-michango","tag-singida","tag-singida-region","tag-tanzania","tag-tundu-lissu","tag-uchaguzi","tag-ukawa"],"aioseo_notices":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v25.9 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>An improbable &quot;liberation&quot; 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