{"id":705,"date":"2009-10-29T17:16:38","date_gmt":"2009-10-29T17:16:38","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/?p=705"},"modified":"2014-03-21T12:00:19","modified_gmt":"2014-03-21T12:00:19","slug":"tanzania-and-senegal-inside-the-machine","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/tanzania-and-senegal-inside-the-machine\/","title":{"rendered":"Tanzania and Senegal: Inside the Machine"},"content":{"rendered":"<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><a title=\"Tanzania and Senegal: Inside the Machine\" href=\"https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/wp-content\/uploads\/2009\/10\/BN-0909-Tanzania-and-Senegal.pdf\" target=\"_blank\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft size-medium wp-image-4690\" style=\"border: 1px solid black;\" alt=\"tanzania and senegal cover\" src=\"https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/wp-content\/uploads\/2014\/03\/tanzania-and-senegal-cover-212x300.jpg\" width=\"212\" height=\"300\" srcset=\"https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/wp-content\/uploads\/2014\/03\/tanzania-and-senegal-cover-212x300.jpg 212w, https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/wp-content\/uploads\/2014\/03\/tanzania-and-senegal-cover-723x1024.jpg 723w, https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/wp-content\/uploads\/2014\/03\/tanzania-and-senegal-cover-170x240.jpg 170w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 212px) 100vw, 212px\" \/><\/a>October 2009<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><a title=\"Tanzania and Senegal: Inside the Machine\" href=\"https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/wp-content\/uploads\/2009\/10\/BN-0909-Tanzania-and-Senegal.pdf\" target=\"_blank\"><strong>Download PDF<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><strong>Tanzania and Senegal have long records of political stability. Both made peaceful transitions from\u00a0<\/strong><strong>single-party \u2018African socialism\u2019 to multiparty democracy, becoming favourites with foreign donors\u00a0<\/strong><strong>and development agencies. <\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><strong>Recent elections were declared free and fair by international observers,\u00a0<\/strong><strong>but the course of institutional reforms in each country has diverged. These notes compare the\u00a0<\/strong><strong>prospects for democratic institutions.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><strong><\/strong><\/p>\n<div class=\"message-box-wrapper none\">\n<div class=\"message-box-title\">MAIN POINTS<\/div>\n<div class=\"message-box-content\">\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong>In Tanzania:<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><div class=\"shortcode-list bullet\"><\/p>\n<ul style=\"text-align: justify;\">\n<li>New Standing Orders increased power of Bunge, the National Assembly<\/li>\n<li>Corruption enquiry forced resignation of Prime Minister Edward Lowassa<\/li>\n<li>Public Audit Act granted autonomy to Auditor General<\/li>\n<li>Governing party set up watchdog to monitor \u2018loyalty\u2019 of MPs<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><\/div><br \/>\n<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong>In Senegal:<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><div class=\"shortcode-list bullet\"><\/p>\n<ul style=\"text-align: justify;\">\n<li>Election boycott by opposition handed parliament to incumbent party<\/li>\n<li>Speaker\u2019s term cut to one year after clash with president<\/li>\n<li>Budget reports submitted several years late to parliament<\/li>\n<li>Multiparty system entrenched, opposition victory in local elections<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><\/div><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">State of the nations\u00a0Peace and stability in Tanzania and Senegal have attracted\u00a0financial rewards. Tanzania receives more development aid per\u00a0capita from the G8 group of industrialised nations than any\u00a0other African country. Senegal, a secular Muslim democracy,\u00a0retains generous bilateral support from the US. In September\u00a02009, the American government\u2019s Millennium Challenge\u00a0Corporation announced a financial assistance package for\u00a0Senegal worth US$540 million over five years. Each country<br \/>\nreceives more donor funding per capita from Britain and\u00a0France, respectively, than any of their other former colonies.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Neither country possesses oil or mineral reserves of strategic\u00a0significance. Senegal has never experienced a coup, and there\u00a0has been no serious internal strife in Tanzania since 1964.\u00a0Despite religious and ethnic diversity, an enduring peace has\u00a0withstood separatist movements in the southern\u00a0Casaman\u00e7e\u00a0region of Senegal and on Zanzibar.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Tanzania\u2019s legislative elections in 2005 were won by Chama\u00a0Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), the \u2018Party of the Revolution\u2019 which has\u00a0dominated Tanzanian politics since independence. But\u00a0President Jakaya Kikwete\u2019s campaign promises for more open\u00a0and accountable government encouraged advocates of\u00a0greater autonomy for Tanzania\u2019s democratic institutions.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><strong>Also Read:\u00a0<a title=\"Diehards and Democracy: Elites, inequality and institutions in African elections\" href=\"https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/publications\/briefing-notes\/diehards-and-democracy-elites-inequality-and-institutions-in-african-elections\/\" target=\"_blank\">Diehards and democracy: Elites, inequality and institutions in African elections<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">In Senegal, the main opposition parties boycotted\u00a0legislative elections in June 2007 amid accusations of\u00a0irregularities in the presidential election earlier in the year.\u00a0The boycott consigned parliamentary opposition to just half\u00a0a dozen MPs. The overwhelming majority of the Sopi, or\u00a0Change, coalition has enabled it to centralise power at the\u00a0expense of political institutions.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">\n<blockquote class=\"center\"><p>Because of this president\u2019s leadership and that of his two esteemed predecessors, if you want to see a country that is on the road to progress, go to Senegal. &#8211; Hillary Clinton, US Secretary of State (1)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">The Tanzanian parliament has brought in legislation to\u00a0empower key institutions, while its counterpart in Senegal\u00a0has overseen a weakening of supervisory bodies. Yet\u00a0Senegalese voters have been able to elect an opposition\u00a0party to power. While Tanzania\u2019s reforms have been\u00a0sanctioned by a party that has been in power since\u00a0independence, they have not secured the unanimous\u00a0support of CCM\u2019s members.<\/p>\n<h2 style=\"text-align: justify;\">Tanzania<\/h2>\n<h3 style=\"text-align: justify;\">Political inheritance<\/h3>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">At independence, Senegal and Tanzania\u2019s first leaders argued that political stability would be threatened by multiparty democracy. Julius Nyerere \u2013 Tanzania\u2019s Mwalimu, or Teacher \u2013 established a single party state embracing \u2018African socialism\u2019. By the early 1980s Nyerere\u2019s policy of villagisation and collective farming, Ujamaa or Familyhood, had failed.<\/p>\n<div id=\"attachment_4698\" style=\"width: 310px\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\"><a href=\"https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/wp-content\/uploads\/2009\/10\/TanzaniaSenegal_Seats-in-bunge-by-party-2009.jpg\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-4698\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-4698\" alt=\"Seats in Bunge by party, 2009 (2)\" src=\"https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/wp-content\/uploads\/2009\/10\/TanzaniaSenegal_Seats-in-bunge-by-party-2009-300x142.jpg\" width=\"300\" height=\"142\" srcset=\"https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/wp-content\/uploads\/2009\/10\/TanzaniaSenegal_Seats-in-bunge-by-party-2009-300x142.jpg 300w, https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/wp-content\/uploads\/2009\/10\/TanzaniaSenegal_Seats-in-bunge-by-party-2009.jpg 760w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px\" \/><\/a><p id=\"caption-attachment-4698\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Seats in Bunge by party, 2009 (2)<\/p><\/div>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Tanzania became heavily dependent on foreign donors who\u00a0urged multiparty democracy. Nyerere stepped down voluntarily in 1985 and his successor, Ali Hassan Mwinyi,\u00a0oversaw the transition to a plural system. Tanzania\u2019s political framework is a hybrid of presidential and British parliamentary models. Executive power is vested in the president, but the daily business of government is\u00a0conducted by ministers who, following the Westminster\u00a0system, retain their parliamentary seats.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Since the introduction of multiparty polls in 1992, Tanzanian opposition parties have won fewer seats in each successive election. None has secured more than 15% the number of seats in Bunge gained by CCM. In 2005, the two largest opposition parties, Civic United Front and Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo(CHADEMA), secured 22.5% of the\u00a0vote but only 42 of 323 seats. Independent candidates are\u00a0not permitted to stand for election.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">The election of Samuel Sitta as Speaker ofBunge in 2005 by\u00a0an overwhelming majority of MPs reflected an appetite for\u00a0reform among parliamentarians. Sitta, a former minister for justice and constitutional affairs, has led a drive to improve the \u2018oversight\u2019 and \u2018challenge\u2019 functions of Bunge. According to Sitta: \u201cThe ideal situation is to have the teeth and also to have the meat to chew on.\u201d (3) Two high-profile corruption investigations were concluded without interference.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"text-align: justify;\">BoT and Richmond<\/h3>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">In early 2008, opposition MPs played a leading role in bringing allegations of corruption at the Bank of Tanzania to the attention of Bunge \u2013 a story covered extensively by the independent media. The exposure of fraudulent payments\u00a0worth US$120 million to 22 local firms led to the sacking of the bank\u2019s governor, Daudi Ballali. Thirteen people were arrested and charged by state prosecutors with fraud, conspiracy and theft in November 2008. Hearings began in June 2009.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Bunge, and CCM MPs, were responsible for uncovering the\u00a0Richmond Development Company scandal in 2007. Concerns raised by William Shelukindo, chairman of the Trade and Investment Committee, prompted Samuel Sitta to appoint a select committee to investigate a contract for emergency electrical generating capacity awarded to Richmond. Led by lawyer and CCM MP Harrison Mwakyembe, the committee reported its findings within a month of the exposure of the Bank of Tanzania scandal. Prime Minister Edward Lowassa and two other ministers implicated in the findings resigned and cabinet was dissolved.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"text-align: justify;\">Democratic Dodoma<\/h3>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">The appointment of the Richmond select committee was made possible by a revision of the Standing Orders which regulate the working of Bunge. Reforms adopted in 2007 encourage greater parliamentary debate and enhance the supervisory role of parliamentary committees. Previously, any request from MPs for a committee of enquiry was readily quashed by the ruling party. In 2006 no request for any kind of investigation was proposed in parliament.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Other reforms incorporated in the new Standing Orders give MPs a larger role in law-making, and require the prime minister to appear regularly in Bunge for Prime Minister\u2019s Questions. The creation of a new National Assembly Fund has assigned control of the parliamentary budget to a Commission of Parliament chaired by the Speaker. A new Corporate Action Plan for parliament will set priorities for Bunge, backed by a \u2018Democratisation Fund\u2019 to which the World Bank contributed US$19m in 2008.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">\n<blockquote class=\"center\"><p>The National Assembly Fund is a sign that the government has accepted that parliament \u00a0should be completely independent. &#8211; Samuel Sitta, Speaker of Bunge (4)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Under the new Standing Orders, the report of the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) must be debated by Bunge. The PAC reports to Bungewith an analysis of the annual report of the Controller and Auditor General (CAG), followed by a two-day debate in parliament. Previously, no such discussion was required. The CAG is empowered to take legal action against suspected public sector fraudsters.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><strong>Also Read:\u00a0<a title=\"Old Tricks, Young Guns: Elections and violence in Sierra Leone\" href=\"https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/publications\/briefing-notes\/old-tricks-young-guns-elections-and-violence-in-sierra-leone\/\" target=\"_blank\">Old Tricks, Young Guns: Elections and violence in Sierra Leone<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Three new committees \u2013 the Local Authorities Accounts Committee, the Public Investments Committee, and the Public Organisations Accounts Committee &#8211; have been set up to increase parliamentary oversight of state spending. In the Westminster tradition, all three accounting bodies are headed by members of the opposition. A new Public Audit Act, processed under a presidential certificate of urgency in July 2008, established the financial and managerial autonomy of the National Audit Office under Auditor General Ludovick Utouh.<\/p>\n<h2>Senegal<\/h2>\n<h3>Democratic Dakar<\/h3>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">L\u00e9opold Senghor, Senegal\u2019s poet president and founder of the <em>N\u00e9gritude<\/em> movement, adopted a less radical version of African socialism at independence than Tanzania\u2019s Nyerere. But economic dependence on groundnut exports, compounded by falling prices and drought, proved as damaging as Ujamaa. Senegal also became reliant on foreign aid, while donors pressed for democratic reform. In 1981, Senghor became the first African president to step down voluntarily. His prot\u00e9g\u00e9, prime minister Abdou Diouf, oversaw the transition to multiparty elections.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">As the administrative and commercial centre of \u00a0l\u2019<em>Afrique occidentale fran\u00e7aise<\/em>, the collective term for France\u2019s eight West African colonies, Senegal inherited a framework of political institutions from its former colonial power. Effectively, power rests with the president \u2013 as in Tanzania. But ministers can be selected from outside the ranks of elected officials. Those appointed from within parliament must surrender their seats to a suppl\u00e9ant, or replacement. French remains the official language for government business, although fewer than one in four Senegalese speak it fluently.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">In 2000, Abdou Diouf lost the presidential election and relinquished power without protest to Abdoulaye Wade, after four terms as president. The reform of electoral institutions, begun in the late 1970s, culminated in the defeat of the Parti Socialiste, the governing party since independence \u2013 a political landmark dubbed \u2018the coming of age of democracy\u2019 in Senegal. The election was regarded as one of the most free and fair to have taken place in Africa.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Senegal\u2019s democratic credentials were called into doubt in 2007. The main opposition parties boycotted legislative elections in the hope of forcing their cancellation and prompting an enquiry into the conduct of the presidential elections earlier that year. The gamble proved to be a miscalculation. Wade\u2019s Sopi coalition took 131 of 150 seats in the National Assembly.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"text-align: justify;\">A malleable constitution<\/h3>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">A new constitution was introduced by Wade\u2019s government in 2001 to fulfil promises for reform made during his presidential campaign, but it has undergone regular revision. Wade and his coalition have amended the constitution 11 times since the beginning of 2007. Amendments have eroded the independence of parliament and increased presidential powers. The constitution remains vulnerable to political interference because most articles can be amended by a three-fifths majority vote in parliament.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">The Senate, the second chamber of parliament, was abolished in 2001 \u2013 discredited for its record as a means of distributing patronage under the Parti Socialiste. In 2007, it was reinstated. Of 100 seats, 65 are directly appointed by the president. In its former incarnation, only one fifth of the members were presidential appointees.<\/p>\n<div id=\"attachment_4700\" style=\"width: 291px\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\"><a href=\"https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/wp-content\/uploads\/2009\/10\/TanzaniaSenegal_Comparative-indicators.jpg\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-4700\" class=\"wp-image-4700  \" alt=\"Comparative indicators (5)\" src=\"https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/wp-content\/uploads\/2009\/10\/TanzaniaSenegal_Comparative-indicators.jpg\" width=\"281\" height=\"366\" \/><\/a><p id=\"caption-attachment-4700\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Comparative indicators (5)<\/p><\/div>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">In 2008, the term of the President of the National Assembly \u2013 equivalent to Bunge\u2019s speaker \u2013 was reduced from five years to one by constitutional amendment. Incumbent Macky Sall, a former prime minster and campaign director for Abdoulaye Wade, was subsequently sacked. Sall had summoned Wade\u2019s son, Karim, in his capacity as President of the National Agency of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (l\u2019Anoci), to answer questions about construction sites for the 2008 OIC summit.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"text-align: justify;\">Budgetary oversight<\/h3>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">The <em>Cour des Comptes<\/em>, the administrative court of specialised magistrates charged with preparing the annual report on public accounts for parliament, has not received details of government expenditure for 2007 and 2008.6 The loi du r\u00e8glement, a law which should be passed annually, confirming parliament\u2019s approval of public accounts, has not been passed since 1999. Some newer MPs remain unaware of the requirement to pass such a law.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">An attempt by the Cour des Comptesto expand its mandate and resources appeared to have gained presidential support, but in 2008 the proposed legislation was withdrawn by the government following an inspection of Karim Wade\u2019s l\u2019Anoci (7). Meanwhile l\u2019Inspection G\u00e9n\u00e9rale de l\u2019\u00c9tat, a body which answers directly to the president and was charged with monitoring public accounts prior to the creation of the Cour des Comptes in 1999, continues to work in parallel.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"text-align: justify;\">Presidents, parties\u2026<\/h3>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">In the absence of any split in CCM ranks, the governing party will retain power in Tanzania for the foreseeable future. Approval ratings for President Kikwete have dropped by almost a fifth since 2005, but he remains six times more popular than his closest rival, CHADEMA\u2019s Freeman Mbowe (8). Civic United Front and CHADEMA, the main opposition parties, will remain minority players.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">In contrast, Senegal\u2019s multiparty system is firmly entrenched. Abdoulaye Wade\u2019s victory in the 2000 presidential election demonstrated that voters could bring an opposition to power. In the 2009 local elections, the electorate once again backed an opposition coalition. Benno Siggil Senegaal, Wolof for \u2018united to boost Senegal\u2019, won in all but one of the cities. Against a backdrop of rising food prices and unemployment, the ballot was regarded as a test of popular support for Sopi\u2019s performance ahead of presidential and legislative polls in 2012.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Speculation that President Wade is grooming his son Karim as his successor has provoked dissent in Senegal, but few voters fear an illegal transfer of power. On his first foray into politics in 2009, Karim Wade, who speaks French as a first language and is not fluent in Wolof, failed to win Dakar\u2019s mayoral contest. He was subsequently appointed to his father\u2019s cabinet as minister of state for international cooperation, urban and regional planning, air transport, and infrastructure.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"text-align: justify;\">\u2026and institutions<\/h3>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Reforms in Tanzania have raised hopes of greater transparency in the allocation of national resources and donor funds. Procedural and legal changes reduced institutional dependence on the executive. The new Standing Orders and Public Audit Act increased the autonomy of key oversight bodies. Their work, notably in exposing corruption, has been widely reported in Tanzania\u2019s vibrant press.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Institutional reform in Tanzania will depend on continued support from CCM parliamentarians. MPs who advocate further reforms believe they have the tacit support of President Kikwete, or at least that he will not impede them. Samuel Sitta, Bunge\u2019s reforming Speaker, remains unhappy about the influence of party whips in limiting debate: \u201cIn the early years of the one-party state we used to have a much freer atmosphere in terms of discussions in parliament, because party loyalty was not an issue.\u201d (9) He would welcome a legal challenge to test party rules against Article 100 of the constitution which guarantees free speech in parliament.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><strong>Also Read:\u00a0<a title=\"After Borama: Consensus, representation and parliament in Somaliland\" href=\"https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/publications\/policy-voices\/parliament-in-somaliland\/\" target=\"_blank\">After Borama: Consensus, representation and parliament in Somaliland<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">The conduct of some CCM MPs in recent days shows that there is neither protocol nor discipline. MPs sometimes openly confront ministers. The NEC will not hesitate to expel such members from the party and remove them from their leadership posts. \u2013 John Chiligati, CCM ideology and publicity secretary (10)<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">The reform agenda has threatened the hegemony of the party elite, causing ructions within CCM. In August 2009, the issue of party discipline was prominent in a \u2018dialogue\u2019\u00a0between Samuel Sitta and CCM\u2019s National Executive Committee. A three-man team led by former president Ali Hassan Mwinyi was appointed by the committee to \u2018monitor\u2019\u00a0and \u2018moderate the conduct\u2019 of MPs. In the ensuing media ferment, opposition leaders and CCM colleagues voiced concern that the party was attempting to gag parliament.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Senegal\u2019s institutions have proved unequal to the will of an executive with a overwhelming parliamentary majority. The governing party has modified to its own advantage the constitution it introduced in 2001. The electoral code has been altered repeatedly, the Senate has been re-established, and the term of the Speaker has been radically reduced. Other institutions have been similarly adapted, abolished or reinstated, according to the priorities of the executive (11).<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">The case for a more resilient constitution features prominently among recommendations drawn up by the committee of the Assises Nationales, a public consultation organised by opposition and civil society groups. Its report proposes that constitutional amendments which influence the role of state institutions should be put to national referendum.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">A win for Sopi in the 2012 legislative elections is unlikely to reverse the trend of weakening institutions. The dismissal of former Speaker Macky Sall and reduction of the Speaker\u2019s term to one year discourage would-be reformers. The expulsion of two Sopi MPs, perceived to be allies of Sall, demonstrates that dissent will not be tolerated in the\u00a0governing coalition. <em>L\u2019alternance<\/em>, the democratic transfer of power, is a source of pride in Senegal. But to nurture democratic institutions will require determination and\u00a0support from parliament, a task which has proved harder than the election of a new government.<\/p>\n<div class=\"message-box-wrapper none\">\n<div class=\"message-box-title\">SOURCES<\/div>\n<div class=\"message-box-content\">\n<ol>\n<li>Speech delivered at signing of the MCC financial package to Senegal, September 16th 2009.<\/li>\n<li>Parliament of Tanzania website.<\/li>\n<li>Interview with Mark Ashurst, October 2008.<\/li>\n<li><a title=\"Bunge Lenye Meno: A parliament with teeth for Tanzania\" href=\"https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/publications\/papers\/bunge-lenye-meno-a-parliament-with-teeth-for-tanzania\/\" target=\"_blank\">A Parliament with Teeth, Africa Research Institute, 2008<\/a>.<\/li>\n<li>The Ibrahim Index of African Governance, 2008.<\/li>\n<li>Magistrate of the Cour des Comptes, October 2009.<\/li>\n<li>Magistrate of the Cour des Comptes, interview with Aoiffe O\u2019Brien, April 2008.<\/li>\n<li>Synovate opinion poll, August 2009.<\/li>\n<li><a title=\"Bunge Lenye Meno: A parliament with teeth for Tanzania\" href=\"https:\/\/africaresearchinstitute.org\/wordpress\/publications\/papers\/bunge-lenye-meno-a-parliament-with-teeth-for-tanzania\/\" target=\"_blank\">A Parliament with Teeth, Africa Research Institute, 2008<\/a>.<\/li>\n<li>The Citizen, August 19th 2009.<\/li>\n<li>Assane Thiam, 2007. <a href=\"http:\/\/www.cairn.info\/zen.php?ID_ARTICLE=POLAF_108_0145\" target=\"_blank\">\u201c\u2019Une Constitution, \u00e7a se r\u00e9vise!\u2019Relativisme Constitutionnel et \u00e9tat de droit au<\/a>\u00a0<a href=\"http:\/\/www.cairn.info\/zen.php?ID_ARTICLE=POLAF_108_0145\" target=\"_blank\">S\u00e9n\u00e9gal.\u201d<\/a> Politique Africaine108, December 2007.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>October 2009 Download PDF Tanzania and Senegal have long records of political stability. Both made peaceful transitions from\u00a0single-party \u2018African socialism\u2019 to multiparty democracy, becoming favourites with foreign donors\u00a0and development agencies. Recent elections were declared free and fair by international observers,\u00a0but the course of institutional reforms in each country has diverged. These notes compare the\u00a0prospects for democratic institutions. State of the nations\u00a0Peace and stability in Tanzania and Senegal have attracted\u00a0financial rewards. Tanzania receives more development aid per\u00a0capita from the G8 group of industrialised nations than any\u00a0other African country. Senegal, a secular Muslim democracy,\u00a0retains generous bilateral support from the US. In September\u00a02009, the American government\u2019s Millennium Challenge\u00a0Corporation announced a financial assistance package for\u00a0Senegal worth US$540 million over five years. Each country receives more donor funding per capita from Britain and\u00a0France, respectively, than any of their other former colonies. Neither country possesses oil or mineral reserves of strategic\u00a0significance. Senegal has never experienced a coup, and there\u00a0has been no serious internal strife in Tanzania since 1964.\u00a0Despite religious and ethnic diversity, an enduring peace has\u00a0withstood separatist movements in the southern\u00a0Casaman\u00e7e\u00a0region of Senegal and on Zanzibar. Tanzania\u2019s legislative elections in 2005 were won by Chama\u00a0Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), the \u2018Party of the Revolution\u2019 which has\u00a0dominated Tanzanian politics since independence. But\u00a0President Jakaya Kikwete\u2019s campaign promises for more open\u00a0and accountable government encouraged advocates of\u00a0greater autonomy for Tanzania\u2019s democratic institutions. Also Read:\u00a0Diehards and democracy: Elites, inequality and institutions in African elections In Senegal, the main opposition parties boycotted\u00a0legislative elections in June 2007 amid accusations of\u00a0irregularities in the presidential election earlier in the year.\u00a0The boycott consigned parliamentary opposition to just half\u00a0a dozen MPs. The overwhelming majority of the Sopi, or\u00a0Change, coalition has enabled it to centralise power at the\u00a0expense of political institutions. The Tanzanian parliament has brought in legislation to\u00a0empower key institutions, while its counterpart in Senegal\u00a0has overseen a weakening of supervisory bodies. Yet\u00a0Senegalese voters have been able to elect an opposition\u00a0party to power. While Tanzania\u2019s reforms have been\u00a0sanctioned by a party that has been in power since\u00a0independence, they have not secured the unanimous\u00a0support of CCM\u2019s members. Tanzania Political inheritance At independence, Senegal and Tanzania\u2019s first leaders argued that political stability would be threatened by multiparty democracy. Julius Nyerere \u2013 Tanzania\u2019s Mwalimu, or Teacher \u2013 established a single party state embracing \u2018African socialism\u2019. By the early 1980s Nyerere\u2019s policy of villagisation and collective farming, Ujamaa or Familyhood, had failed. Tanzania became heavily dependent on foreign donors who\u00a0urged multiparty democracy. Nyerere stepped down voluntarily in 1985 and his successor, Ali Hassan Mwinyi,\u00a0oversaw the transition to a plural system. Tanzania\u2019s political framework is a hybrid of presidential and British parliamentary models. Executive power is vested in the president, but the daily business of government is\u00a0conducted by ministers who, following the Westminster\u00a0system, retain their parliamentary seats. Since the introduction of multiparty polls in 1992, Tanzanian opposition parties have won fewer seats in each successive election. None has secured more than 15% the number of seats in Bunge gained by CCM. In 2005, the two largest opposition parties, Civic United Front and Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo(CHADEMA), secured 22.5% of the\u00a0vote but only 42 of 323 seats. Independent candidates are\u00a0not permitted to stand for election. The election of Samuel Sitta as Speaker ofBunge in 2005 by\u00a0an overwhelming majority of MPs reflected an appetite for\u00a0reform among parliamentarians. Sitta, a former minister for justice and constitutional affairs, has led a drive to improve the \u2018oversight\u2019 and \u2018challenge\u2019 functions of Bunge. According to Sitta: \u201cThe ideal situation is to have the teeth and also to have the meat to chew on.\u201d (3) Two high-profile corruption investigations were concluded without interference. BoT and Richmond In early 2008, opposition MPs played a leading role in bringing allegations of corruption at the Bank of Tanzania to the attention of Bunge \u2013 a story covered extensively by the independent media. The exposure of fraudulent payments\u00a0worth US$120 million to 22 local firms led to the sacking of the bank\u2019s governor, Daudi Ballali. Thirteen people were arrested and charged by state prosecutors with fraud, conspiracy and theft in November 2008. Hearings began in June 2009. Bunge, and CCM MPs, were responsible for uncovering the\u00a0Richmond Development Company scandal in 2007. Concerns raised by William Shelukindo, chairman of the Trade and Investment Committee, prompted Samuel Sitta to appoint a select committee to investigate a contract for emergency electrical generating capacity awarded to Richmond. Led by lawyer and CCM MP Harrison Mwakyembe, the committee reported its findings within a month of the exposure of the Bank of Tanzania scandal. Prime Minister Edward Lowassa and two other ministers implicated in the findings resigned and cabinet was dissolved. Democratic Dodoma The appointment of the Richmond select committee was made possible by a revision of the Standing Orders which regulate the working of Bunge. Reforms adopted in 2007 encourage greater parliamentary debate and enhance the supervisory role of parliamentary committees. Previously, any request from MPs for a committee of enquiry was readily quashed by the ruling party. In 2006 no request for any kind of investigation was proposed in parliament. Other reforms incorporated in the new Standing Orders give MPs a larger role in law-making, and require the prime minister to appear regularly in Bunge for Prime Minister\u2019s Questions. The creation of a new National Assembly Fund has assigned control of the parliamentary budget to a Commission of Parliament chaired by the Speaker. A new Corporate Action Plan for parliament will set priorities for Bunge, backed by a \u2018Democratisation Fund\u2019 to which the World Bank contributed US$19m in 2008. Under the new Standing Orders, the report of the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) must be debated by Bunge. The PAC reports to Bungewith an analysis of the annual report of the Controller and Auditor General (CAG), followed by a two-day debate in parliament. Previously, no such discussion was required. The CAG is empowered to take legal action against suspected public sector fraudsters. Also Read:\u00a0Old Tricks, Young Guns: Elections and violence in Sierra Leone Three new committees \u2013 the Local Authorities Accounts Committee, the Public Investments Committee, and the Public Organisations Accounts [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":7,"featured_media":4690,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"inline_featured_image":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"_uf_show_specific_survey":0,"_uf_disable_surveys":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[63,26,200,207,205,206,34,27,204,203],"class_list":["post-705","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-briefing-notes","tag-democracy","tag-economics-in-publications","tag-ecowas","tag-institutional-reforms","tag-institutions","tag-multiparty-politics","tag-poli","tag-politics-in-publications","tag-senegal","tag-tanzania"],"aioseo_notices":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v25.9 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>Tanzania and Senegal: Inside the Machine - Africa Research Institute<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Tanzania and Senegal have long records of political stability. 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