The last man still standing

In the week before 27 April 2016 – the day Sierra Leone celebrated 55 years of independence – musician Emmerson Bockarie launched his latest album. “Survivor” reportedly sold 12,000 copies within 24 hours of being released. Emmerson is not someone to shy away from controversy. His self-proclaimed status as “the last man still standing” is a reference to his continued artistic independence and resistance to political interference.

Back in 2007 Emmerson’s album “Borboh Belleh” (meaning “gluttonous boy”) castigated perceived failings of the Sierra Leone People’s Party government. In an election year, it gathered widespread popular support which the All People’s Congress (APC) used to its advantage. After his election as president, Ernest Bai Koroma specifically recognised Emmerson’s outstanding ability to raise public awareness through music. It is fair to say that the APC response has not been so positive this time, not that Emmerson seems perturbed. He told journalist Umaru Fofana “I have made up my mind to do what I am doing and cannot stop now”.

Striking a chord

One track in particular, “Munku boss pan matches, e jus dae krach”, highlights the rampant corruption that – Emmerson charges – has become part of the culture of the APC government. The title translates as “ill-educated people who keep lighting matches one after the other, just to see the fire again, for no other reason than because they can”. What this alludes to – and this was very clearly understood by the people I spoke with in Freetown – is the recent spate of corruption and the mismanagement of state resources by politicians and government officials only interested in advancing their own interests rather than the development of Sierra Leone.  An equivalent metaphor in English might be “like kids in a sweet shop”.

With a playtime of 15 minutes, the lyrics of the song prod and probe at length. They question the commitment shown by all government departments to the construction of roads even when it is not within their remit to do so and despite the glaring needs elsewhere: roads are an infamous source of kickbacks. They condemn the empty promises made regarding jobs for youth. They accuse MPs of failing to represent the voters and of being “under the brown envelope payroll” and question the validity of the “more time” agenda that supports an extension of the incumbent governments mandate, due to expire in 2018, to continue mitigating the disruption inflicted by Ebola. As for the president himself, Koroma is accused of accelerating his accumulation of wealth as he nears the end of his time in office and of indulging in a lavish lifestyle starkly at odds with that of most Sierra Leoneans.

Public reaction       

“He [Emmerson] sings for us,” Foday Conteh, a taxi driver from the president’s home town of Makeni, told me. From health workers, to university students and staff, to business owners the response of everyone I spoke to about the song was similar: a wry smile followed by a question as to whether I understood the meaning of the lyrics. There was broad agreement that Emmerson was speaking the truth.

Of course, some disagree. Writing in Cocorioko, editor and a diplomat appointed to the UN by President Koroma, Kabs Kanu asserted that “Emmerson’s lyrics did not reflect the true story about what President Koroma has done for our nation. There have been far more than just road construction in Sierra Leone. Every aspect of national development has been touched by the President”. At various locations in Freetown, Airtel billboards depicting the artist were vandalised.

Emmerson’s accusations would be difficult to prove in a court of law, but they have certainly been embraced by a receptive audience.  Amid the blare of horns in Freetown’s gridlocked traffic, the song resonates from the shared taxis on which so many commuters rely.

For most Sierra Leoneans water shortages, increases in the cost of living – the Leone has plummeted against the US$ since August 2014, driving up the cost of many foodstuffs – and a lack of formal sector employment are the everyday realities. Beyond new roads and a few token traffic lights, there is little sign of much-needed investment, for example in health care, education or agriculture. For now, citizens continue to endure the hardships with good humour. But if the wealth divide continues to widen, and poorer residents of Freetown are forced to suffer even more while a fortunate few thrive, there will come a point when something will have to give.

Jamie Hitchen is Policy Researcher at ARI. He wishes to extend special thanks to Joseph Macarthy for his invaluable assistance in bringing clarity to the song lyrics where he was unable to do so. 

The post “Kids in a sweet shop”: corruption in post-Ebola Sierra Leone appeared first on Africa Research Institute.

Increasing attention is being paid to economic recovery in Sierra Leone, Liberia and Guinea. The term ‘recovery’ is problematic. It can imply a reversion to the way things were before Ebola. But rapid GDP growth then did not ‘trickle down’ – wealth remained concentrated in the hands of a small minority while poverty rates were among the highest in Africa. Economic diversification was minimal. The informal sector, which bore the brunt of Ebola, remains the dominant source of income in cities and rural areas alike.

Expert panellists Robtel Neajai Pailey (RNP), Ade Daramy (AD) and Biro Diallo (BD) discussed what needs to change in the way Sierra Leone, Liberia and Guinea manage their economies and how this might be achieved.

On Extractives

AD: Kono district has been the engine of mining in Sierra Leone for forty years yet it is a complete developmental backwater. I do not believe that extractives companies work in the long term interests of the country. Sierra Leone’s rapid GDP growth before 2012 was driven by mining, but where has it got us?

RNP: Liberia has an excellent revenue code. All six concession agreements signed since 2003 have included a requirement for social development funds. Deals cannot be struck without community or civil society involvement and scrutiny. However government oversight of implementation of provisions has been non-existent. We need a radical rethink on extractives. The sector was driving GDP growth of 7-8% but two-thirds of the population is below the poverty line. Agreements with mining giants like ArcelorMittal need to be revisited to ensure that more taxes are paid in-country, that there is greater accountability, and that they follow the rules and regulations set out in the legal code.

BD: I work in the mining sector but I am also a Guinean. I want all the industry’s corporate social responsibility (CSR) projects to work, but mining companies should not be confused with development agencies. We cannot change the fortunes of an entire nation on our own. Some projects we develop and hand over are then not properly run by the government or local authorities. People need to decide what they can realistically require from miners. If proper structures are laid down, we will have to follow them and we will be happy to do so.

On Agriculture

AD: One always hears about Sierra Leone’s high rainfall and fertile soil, but modern farming techniques are required to make the most of favourable conditions. Government only pays lip service to farmers. More support for small-scale farmers is essential and one way the government could help after Ebola is to provide seed funding. People are beginning to see the potential in agriculture and there is progress. Waitrose will be selling Karma Cola in 200 stores from July; ginger is being exported to Benelux. The potential of our marine resources also needs to be realised. We need to pretend that we never had mining when planning for the future.

RNP: Agriculture accounts for a quarter of Liberia’s GDP and half the workforce. But there is 80% food insecurity, land tenure systems need to change and large-scale land grabs are reducing access to land. The Minister of Agriculture has been very vigilant about seeking capacity building opportunities for young professionals at the Ministry. There are positive policy developments to build on, such as the 2009 Back to the Soil Initiative.  The economic empowerment of women is crucial. They are the backbone of agriculture, the informal sector and regional trade.

BD: In the coming lean season, one third of Guineans will be food insecure. Agriculture has not been very highly regarded in Guinea for various reasons. If you had an agriculture degree, people would look at you differently. But more young people are realising there is money in agriculture and the government is promoting it. Land is plentiful, but you also need capital and much better infrastructure. There are undoubtedly opportunities: it was only when regional markets collapsed due to Ebola that Guineans discovered tomatoes were grown in their country.

On Leadership

BD: The government gets blamed for everything in Guinea. If a tree falls down across the road, it’s the government’s fault. This is a negative legacy of the Sekou Touré era. That said, communication has been poor during the epidemic. Mining companies always want good, resolute leadership wherever they operate. Elections in October 2015 will be a judgement of how well President Alpha Condé has led the country.

AD: Ebola exposed the lack of trust between citizens and the state in Sierra Leone and compounded it. In 2013, there were suggestions that President Koroma would seek a constitutional mandate to run for a third term and his party seemed assured of another victory. Now, his handling of Ebola has finished off any prospect of a third term and his party could conceivably lose the election. Corrupt politicians are unconcerned by accusations levelled at them.

RNP: People are completely disillusioned with the government. In December 2014, Liberia held legislative elections for 15 senators. Only two were re-elected. During Ebola, citizens quickly realised that they had to take matters into their own hands. The US$604m draft national budget, if passed, allocates one third  of spending to government salaries against US$73m on health and a similar amount on education. A health care officer earns a fraction of a legislator’s pay. This sort of thing cannot continue. We have had a wake-up call.

On the Mano River Union (MRU)

AD: Just as Ebola did not separate the countries of the Union, neither should the response. The interconnectedness of Liberia, Guinea and Sierra Leone can be an advantage. Planning across countries is essential.

BD: The MRU structure is there, it is a good platform to allow for discussion and the pooling of resources.

RNP: There has been some regional solidarity, but we need to do more together, for example in deciding and setting out exactly what we want from foreign direct investment in the region. Harmonisation of legal codes would be helpful and a regional medical centre of excellence would be a good idea for obvious reasons.

On Education

RNP: The government of Liberia needs to pay better salaries to health workers and teachers, give them better incentives, opportunities for learning and see it as a long-term investment in the country’s future.

AD: Ebola has exposed the fact that virtually nothing works in Sierra Leone. Many of the countries’ ills stem from the failure of education and health care. This has nothing to do with the civil war or Ebola.   Teaching is no longer regarded as a vocation in Sierra Leone and educational standards have plummeted. Miners earn three times the salary of teachers, so this is one reason why you get teachers who are only half-trained. The government needs to invest in education in order to change attitudes. The private sector must help. Instead of complaining about the low quality of staff larger companies should invest in educational facilities that meet their needs.

On the future

RNP: Liberia’s Agenda for Transformation is a solid document. It can be adapted and used to deliver inclusive growth, decent work, a living wage and basic social services. Profit has been put above people and GDP growth rates ahead of human development. We cannot go back to where we were, we need people-driven and people-centred growth.

AD: It has taken over ten years for people to see Sierra Leone as a ‘post-war’ country, so to become a post-Ebola ‘investment opportunity’ will require a concerted effort. The role for the private sector and diaspora should be to build on the development plans we have already drawn up, like the Agenda for Prosperity.

BD: The government needs to decide what it wants to focus on and then guide the key sectors – no government can do everything. Guineans do not need more plans, they are tired of plans. It is time for action.

Comments attributed to the speakers are not direct quotations 

Photos:

YouTube clips

The post Beyond Ebola appeared first on Africa Research Institute.

Particular criticism was directed at a failure to follow procurement procedures set out in the Public Procurement Act of 2004.  The Ministry of Health and Sanitation (MoHS) was the major culprit, issuing contracts despite inadequate bidder documentation and without carrying out the necessary due diligence.  Government employee justification that procurement procedures could be waived because of the prevailing state of emergency is not supported by legislation, according to the report.  In short, incompetently written contracts and poor controls over the disbursement of funds were commonplace.

Here are some inconsistencies outlined in the report:

• Incentive payments for frontline health workers totalled Le26 billion, but there was no substantive proof given to the auditors that such payments reached intended recipients.
• In Makeni Government Hospital the frontline healthcare workers incentive payment list was found to include 271 ghost names. Payments totalling Le216m remain unaccounted for.
• MoHS failed to produce any documentation for contract agreements totalling Le17 billion, including Le12.7 billion for the purchase of 50 vehicles and ambulances and Le2.7 billion for the construction of an Ebola treatment centre in the northern district of Port Loko.
• Withholding taxes amounting to Le526 million were not deducted and paid over to the National Revenue Authority from payments made to various suppliers and contractors.
• A contract for 20 ambulances was signed between MoHS and Kingdom Security Logistics. However, payment for the ambulances was made to a United Arab Emirates bank account in the name of Uniworld General Trading LLC. Four of the ambulances have still not been supplied.
• MoHS required bidders for medical supplies contracts to submit a Pharmacy Board License/Registration with their documentation. A US$4m contract was awarded to Ramesco even though the company did not submit the requisite license.

The Office of the President released a statement responding to the report: “Government notes the ongoing public interest concerning the Auditor-General’s report…..as the law provides, parliament will debate the audit report and make appropriate recommendations on the issues raised therein…..Government attaches paramount importance to the judicious use of the Ebola funds and will ensure proper accountability for the use of these funds……those who are found guilty of misusing Ebola funds will face the full force of the law”.

There is widespread anger at the misuse of funds.

• The opposition Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP) has called on the Government to launch “a public inquiry into the audit report and the management of the national fight of the Ebola Virus Disease since May 2014 to present and to bring all wrong doers to book”.
• A report in the Sierra Leone Telegraph speculates that “the complex web of Ebola corruption in Sierra Leone – presided over by State House in Freetown, may take several years to unravel – if at all”.
• Swit Salone provides details of the five biggest Ebola deals and questions the transparency of the contractors.
• The Citizens Campaign for Accountability and Justice have called for an urgent probe into the audit by the Anti-Corruption Commission.
• Sierra Leonean Alie Kabba, executive director at United African Organization, wrote in an open letter to the President Koroma: “To think that your government presided over such ignoble corruption with money that should have gone to the Ebola response is a depressing day indeed for our country”.

On 17 February, Sierra Leone’s Anti-Corruption Commission issued a public notice calling on 40 named individuals, institutions and companies to report to its offices. All District Medical Officers will be summoned at a later date.

Jamie Hitchen is Policy Researcher at ARI

Image courtesy of Sierra Leone Telegraph 

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[list type=””]

• Health care at breaking point
• The Cost of Living on the Margins
• Stigmatisation
• Political leadership for a crisis?
• Getting to Zero: Learning from Pujehun
• Mismanagement of Sierra Leone’s Ebola spending
• Behind Closed Doors: Schools, Teenage girls and Ebola in Sierra Leone
• A Year With Ebola: The Grievous Experience of Health Care Workers in Sierra Leone
• Beyond Ebola: “a time for action” in Sierra Leone

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The post Mismanagement of Sierra Leone’s Ebola spending appeared first on Africa Research Institute.

April 2011

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Sierra Leone is acclaimed as one of Africa’s most successful post-conflict states. But the country remains fragile. Every election since independence has been attended by violence. Support for political parties is polarised on ethnic and regional lines, and underwritten by patronage. Youth unemployment is endemic. Amid early preparations for the 2012 presidential, parliamentary and local council elections, these notes examine the causes of electoral strife, and suggest measures for mitigating future violence. 

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• Peaceful transition from civil war, sustained economic growth
• Corruption rife, new Anti-Corruption Act implemented
• Election violence customary, perpetrated with impunity
• Burgeoning youth unemployed, marginalised and manipulated
• All party agreement to avert election violence

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Green shoots, deep roots

Sierra Leone’s 11 year civil war is infamous for images of child soldiers and amputees, and for the trade in “blood” diamonds. In January 2002, a peace ceremony marked the official end of the conflict. By 2004, 72,000 fighters from various factions were disarmed and demobilised. The international peacekeeping force – whose peak strength of 17,500 made it the largest ever deployed by the United Nations – was withdrawn in 2005.

Sierra Leone’s army, which had effectively ceased to exist in the latter years of the war, was reformed after a recruitment drive. The new force, comprising 8,500 troops, received extensive training from the UK-led International Military Advisory and Training Team (IMATT). The police service has been restructured and retrained. Despite low salaries, discipline in the army and police has improved.

Also Read: Comparing elections in Sierra Leone and Ghana

Successive post-war presidential and parliamentary elections have been won by different parties. In 2002, Ahmad Tejan Kabbah and the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP) were the victors. In 2007, Ernest Bai Koroma and the All People’s Congress (APC) carried the vote. Both elections were declared free, fair and credible by international observers. Neither result was seriously contested by the defeated party.

President Koroma – formerly the managing director of an insurance company – has impressed international donors with bold declarations to “run Sierra Leone as a business concern”, combat corruption and reduce dependence on foreign aid. New laws and regulations, including a more transparent tax code, have been framed to attract private investment. According to financier and philanthropist George Soros, Sierra Leone has “the genuine potential to become a leading African economy” (1).

Commercial agriculture, infrastructure, health and education are pillars of an ambitious “Agenda for Change” launched by President Koroma in 2008. Funding for agriculture increased from 1.7% of the government’s budget in 2007 to 10% in 2010 (2). Free health care for pregnant women, nursing mothers, and children under five was introduced in April 2010. Provincial roads have been rebuilt. A US$92m investment in Bumbuna Hydroelectric Dam, a project initiated in 1970, has created a facility capable of generating 50 megawatts of electricity.

Sierra Leone remains beset by privation which predates the war. Two-thirds of the population subsists on less than US$1.25 per day. Almost half the population is malnourished. Maternal and infant mortality rates are among the highest in the world, and average life expectancy is 48 years. Youth unemployment is entrenched. While Sierra Leone’ s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is forecast to expand by an annual average of 4.7% in 2008-12,3 a sustained growth rate of 10% is required to combat unemployment and poverty effectively (4).

Corruption is rife in Sierra Leone. A 2006 review by the UK’s Department for International Development (DFID) accused the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) of failing to meet its objectives, and recommended a curtailment of funding for the organisation (5). President Koroma’s government has sought to restore a measure of confidence. The 2008 Anti-Corruption Act sanctioned the ACC to prosecute without prior approval from the attorney-general. By 2011, 11 convictions had ensued, including that of a minister within President Koroma’s inner circle.

Election violence, and accountability

Sierra Leone has held 11 parliamentary and five presidential elections since independence in 1961 (*). All have been accompanied by violence. In the 1967 elections, the ruling SLPP used new public order legislation and rarray boys– thugs – to stymie opposition. A premature announcement by the SLPP-appointed election commissioner that incumbent Prime Minister Albert Margai had won the ballot triggered nationwide riots. A retraction of the announcement in favour of Siaka Stevens and the APC was followed by a coup d’etat. Stevens was reinstated after a counter-coup at the end of 1968.

The 1973 election was boycotted by the SLPP, amid allegations that APC supporters were preventing its candidates from entering nomination centres. SLPP candidates were reportedly kidnapped. In 1977, voting took place under a state of emergency. The APC employed its youth wing and the Internal Security Unit – commonly referred to as “I Shoot U” – to harass SLPP politicians and supporters. In eight constituencies, polls could not be held. In 1982, more than 50 people were killed in an election conducted in a one party state.

[quote align=”center” color=”#999999″]“Years of bad governance, endemic corruption and the denial of basic human rights created deplorable conditions that make conflict inevitable” Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission[/quote]

The 2007 presidential and parliamentary elections were a test of Sierra Leone’s stability. The campaigns became so violent that President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah threatened to suspend the vote and impose a state of emergency. Dozens were injured in clashes in Freetown and in Kono, a major swing district. The SLPP presidential candidate, Solomon Berewa, accused opposition supporters of intimidating his voters. Reports of an assassination attempt on Ernest Koroma, the APC’s candidate, caused riots and the abandonment of his campaign in the south-east.

Perpetrators of violence act without fear of prosecution. While some are party loyalists, others are “hired hands”. The failure to prosecute those responsible exacerbates a lack of respect for the rule of law. It underpins a popular perception that the use of violence is an acceptable – even legitimate – means of securing power.

Misshapen identities

In post-independence Sierra Leone, political loyalties polarised along ethnic and regional lines. The largest ethnic groups, the Mende and Temne, each comprise about 30% of Sierra Leone’s population. The Mende and other smaller tribes in the south and east have traditionally supported the SLPP. The APC is favoured by the Temne, Limba and other tribes in the north, and the Krio community in the west.

Also Read: Diehards and democracy: Elites, inequality and institutions in African elections

Electoral loyalties have not been determined by long-standing ethnic enmity. Beyond the realm of politics, friendships and marriages between ethnic groups are common. But the espousal of particular ethnic and regional groups by candidates for national leadership is ingrained. Ethnic and regional identities have been a convenient – and effective – means of mobilising support during elections.

Within voting blocs, loyalties are not immutable. In the 2002 elections, the SLPP made inroads in the north – traditionally an APC stronghold. As the incumbent government, the SLPP garnered some credit for its role in ending the civil war. The gains were reversed in 2007, when both parties performed badly outside their traditional power bases.

The emergence of a third major political party added dynamism to the 2007 elections. The People’s Movement for Democratic Change (PMDC) was formed by Charles Margai, nephew of Sierra Leone’s first prime minister and son of the second, after his defeat by Solomon Berewa in the SLPP leadership contest. The new party secured a competitive advantage by capitalising on discontent with the indictment of Samuel Hinga Norman by the Special Court for Sierra Leone, the UN-backed tribunal established to try those accused of being most responsible for atrocities committed during the civil war.

The PMDC attracted strong support from the Kamajors, who had formed the backbone of a Mende militia led by Norman and regarded his indictment as a betrayal by the SLPP. The defection of the Kamajors effectively split the Mende vote. In Freetown and the Western Area, where the SLPP had won more than half the seats in the previous election, the APC captured all 21 seats in 2007. The SLPP accused the PMDC of handing victory to Ernest Koroma and the APC.

Patronage and the public purse

Loyalty to political parties in Sierra Leone is sustained by – and sustains – entrenched patronage networks, and corruption. Politicians routinely use office, and state resources, to reward party faithful. Supporters – civilian or military – are provided with money, jobs and services.

In the decade after independence, Sierra Leone’s premiers sought to consolidate power through preferential appointments. Albert Margai, prime minister from 1964-67 and leader of the SLPP, filled the senior ranks of the army, civil service and judiciary with his supporters – regardless of experience or merit. His cabinet was almost exclusively Mende. Under Siaka Stevens, head of state from 1968-85 and founder of the APC, the process was intensified in favour of supporters from the north.

The use of public funds to secure and reward political loyalty undermined state institutions. Hospitals and schools fell into disrepair. Salaries of junior civil servants often went unpaid. Teachers and nurses demanded illegal payments to supplement their salaries. Those unable to pay were denied access to education and health services. By 1985, when Stevens was succeeded by General Joseph Momoh, the Sierra Leonean state existed only in name.

Also Read: Tanzania and Senegal: Inside the Machine

Local paramount chiefs have reinforced political divisions. In the 1960s, Albert Margai granted chiefs the right to allow – or ban – political meetings. Anyone deemed to have misused this authority was deposed or exiled. Siaka Stevens instructed chiefs not to allow SLPP candidates to campaign in their territories, and to order their people to vote for the APC. In 2007, the Office of National Security reported cases of chiefs seeking to disrupt or curtail campaigning.

Entrenched electoral loyalties and corruption have created a commonly-held belief that elections are ‘winner takes all’ contests. Voters presume that the SLPP will reward the south and east, and the APC will favour the north and west. Defeat at the ballot box will entail exclusion and disadvantage for an electoral term.

Youth, and muscle

Youth groups have become a more potent force in Sierra Leone’s elections than ethnicity or regionalism. The young have been most disadvantaged by endemic corruption, and have suffered most from the disintegration of state services. In the 1980s, Sierra Leone’s literacy rate was just 15% (7). Education suffered further as schools closed during the civil war. Many young men and women joined the various factions – some voluntarily, but many by force.

[quote align=”center” color=”#999999″]“The youth problem has become chronic”. President Ernest Bai Koroma (8)[/quote]

Sierra Leone is beset by a burgeoning generation which has received no formal education and possesses few skills. An estimated 800,000 young people, about 14% of the population, are unemployed or work for no remuneration (9). Those who have jobs are often exploited, enduring abject conditions for negligible pay. A 2010 UN Security Council briefing noted that a growing number of young men are “idle, concentrated in urban areas and frustrated by social marginalisation” (10). Unemployed young men are susceptible to manipulation and exploitation.

Also Read: The more things change… 2012 elections in Sierra Leone

In the 2007 election campaigns, political parties employed high profile ex-combatants from various rebel groups. Ernest Koroma hired Idrissa Kamara, a former Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) commander known as Leatherboot, and mid-ranking former Revolutionary United Front (RUF) fighters to join his personal security unit. Solomon Berewa engaged Hassan Bangura, or Bomblast, also a former AFRC commander who became second-in-command of the West Side Boys. The PMDC was backed by the Kamajors. These alliances were designed to gain political clout, but youth groups – and unemployed young men in particular – were responsible for most of the violence during the 2007 campaigns.

Party “task forces”, established to handle security and protect party property, are a feature of elections in Sierra Leone. Young men are brought into the party youth wings – for token payments or promises of future benefits – to intimidate voters and break up opposition rallies. Their loyalty is not guaranteed. Many hold membership cards of more than one party, and switch allegiances for greater reward. There is profound distrust between politicians and marginalised youth. With few opportunities for betterment, the young pose an escalating threat to post-war stability.

Twenty twelve

The 2012 presidential, parliamentary and local government elections will be won by the APC or the SLPP. The PMDC’s popularity has waned since 2008, and the SLPP appear to have regained the support of the Kamajors. In September 2010, a UN Security Council resolution stressed the “potential for an increase in tensions during the preparations for and the period leading up to the 2012 elections … due to political, security, socio-economic and humanitarian challenges” (11).

Predictions of electoral violence are well-founded. In March 2009, the SLPP headquarters was attacked after five days of clashes between supporters of the two main parties in Freetown, Kenema, Gendema and Pujehun District. A joint communiqué condemning the fighting was issued by all parties, but violent confrontations occurred during other by-elections in 2010. Rumours of negotiations between prominent ex-combatants and the APC and SLPP abound.

A December 2010 local council by-election in Kono was preceded by “incidents of political violence and intolerance” (12). The SLPP office in Koidu City, and buildings associated with APC officials, were vandalised. Senior SLPP officials, including two presidential candidates and the deputy minority leader of parliament, sustained injuries in attacks allegedly carried out by APC supporters. SLPP MPs boycotted parliamentary proceedings in protest.

Distrust between the APC and the SLPP is intense. In December 2010, two SLPP members were given ministerial positions in a cabinet reshuffle. Both appointees were promptly suspended from the SLPP.

Recommendations

In the run-up to Sierra Leone’s 2012 elections:

The joint communiqué signed in April 2009 must be fully implemented. All political parties agreed to co-operate “in preventing all forms of political incitement, provocation and intimidation” that might encourage violence. No one has ever been prosecuted for violent conduct during elections. Donors should exert pressure on the government to ensure that all outbreaks of violence are investigated, and the perpetrators prosecuted. Those who recruit malefactors and those who incite violence should be deemed equally responsible.

The effective and impartial conduct of state institutions will be a prerequisite for free, fair and peaceful polls. Sierra Leone’s National Electoral Commission, Political Parties Registration Commission, Office of National Security, police and electoral offences courts, jointly have the authority to prevent an escalation of illegal and violent behaviour. These institutions must be unequivocally supported by political parties and donors. The UN Secretary-General’s Executive Representative in Sierra Leone has called on the National Electoral Commission to “show greater flexibility in discussing electoral concerns” (13) with all parties, in order to deflect any accusation of bias.

Political parties should demonstrate real support for efforts by the newly-formed All Political Parties Youth Association and All Political Parties Women’s Association to promote peaceful elections. The government should emphasise the legal obligations of paramount chiefs before and during the elections – and the penalties for breaches.

The APC and SLPP have relinquished control of party radio stations. The new, independent Sierra Leone Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC) should act as a forum for all political parties to debate electoral issues. Radio is a powerful medium in a country with one of the lowest literacy rates in the world. Debates and impartial election coverage by the SLBC can help to inform voters, and encourage voting determined by issues and performance.

Recent prosecutions by the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) have been welcomed, in Sierra Leone and abroad. Further prosecutions would help to counter the widespread belief that politicians are not accountable for the use, or misuse, of public funds. The ACC needs to investigate more closely how corruption is used to secure political loyalty.

In the medium term:

Party ‘task forces’ should be disbanded, and outlawed. Special police units should assume responsibility for the protection of political candidates and party property.

Political parties and individual candidates should be required by law to disclose all donations, and account for the use of funds. A limit on donations should be agreed by all parties, after consultation with civil society groups and donors.

Infrastructure and other development projects funded by international donors need to benefit all regions. Increasing government revenues from natural resource extraction must also be deployed in a demonstrably equitable manner. Disbursement of national income and donor funds for the benefit of government and opposition supporters alike will help to counter political divisionism, and the public perception that elections are a “winner takes all” contest.

Enduring peace and stability in Sierra Leone is dependent on a substantial expansion of educational and employment opportunities. In 2010, the World Bank announced a three year US$20 million to develop the practical skills of 18,000 unemployed young people. An additional 30,000 will be employed in public schemes to rehabilitate infrastructure. A new Ministry for Youth Employment and Sport was created in 2010. Much more is needed. Agriculture and agribusiness offer good opportunities for large-scale employment. The development of labour-intensive commercial agriculture in Sierra Leone should be a priority for donors and government.

[message_box title=”SOURCES” color=”none”]

1. Investment International, November 12th 2009
2. Mohamed Fofanah, “New agriculture plan spouts”, International Press Service, August 13th 2010
3. Africa Economic Outlook, Sierra Leone
4. Africa Confidential, “More power for Freetown”, October 8th 2009
5. Joel Cutting, Gladwell Otieno, “Annual Review 2006 of DFID Support to the Anti-Corruption Commission Phase 2 in Sierra Leone”, January 25th 2007
6. New York Times, “Sierra Leone voids some election returns”, May 3rd 1982
7. David Keen, “Greedy elites, dwindling resources, alienated youths: the anatomy of protracted violence in Sierra Leone”, International Politics and Society, 2003
8. Maya Christensen, Mats Utas, “Mercenaries of democracy: the ‘politricks’ of remobilized combatants in the 2007 general election, Sierra Leone”, African Affairs, September 2008
9. Fifth report of the secretary-general on the UN Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Sierra Leone, September 17th 2010
10. UN Department of Public Information, “Youth unemployment poses ‘latent threat’ to Sierra Leone’s stability, top officials warn in Security Council briefing”, March 22nd 2010
11. UN Security Council, resolution 1941, September 2010
12. Sixth report of the secretary-general on the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Sierra Leone, March 9th 2011
13. UN News Centre,“UN at critical juncture in peacebuilding efforts, UN warned”, September 28th 2010

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