This paper examines how citizens, local mayors and a society of booklovers collaborated to establish participatory budgeting in Yaoundé, despite the weakness of democracy and absence of traditions of participation or public service in Cameroon. 

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Participatory Budgeting (PB) involves local authorities and the inhabitants of a municipality co-operating in determining the allocation of public money. Projects might include wells and standpipes, sanitation and sewerage works, street lighting, paving and roads, or housing.

In Cameroon, PB has been driven by the proliferation of civil society organisations that accompanied the slow, unsteady but unmistakeable shift towards decentralisation. Yet the central government still retains a tight grip on the most important levers of power, which means that local authorities have been given greater responsibility without a commensurate increase in resources.

By way of illustration, Yaoundé V, one of the Cameroonian capital’s municipalities, has a budget amounting to just €2.50 per resident. Within such a context, PB offers an opportunity to increase the impact of very limited financial resources by aligning policymaking with the most pressing local needs.

An important principle of PB is that communities must themselves contribute in some way – in cash, manpower, materials or land. This has the advantage of making the resources go further as well as promoting a sense of genuine local ownership of any new assets. If commitment dwindles, trust erodes, communication breaks down or expectations rise too high then residents may disown the process. Greater involvement strengthens accountability and support for projects.

Whether PB succeeds in a given setting depends in large part on the individuals involved, with a municipality’s mayor playing a crucial role. If a mayor is deterred by the need for reciprocity and transparency they can simply abandon the process midway. Alternatively, mayors can compromise PB by indulging in favouritism, leading people to dismiss the process as nothing more than “old politics dressed up in new clothes”.

Mayors aside, it cannot be taken for granted that residents will be interested in participating. A shortage of time and resources, especially among the poorest, presents a serious obstacle to overcoming mistrust of PB. Yet, given time and effort, participation rates can reach impressive levels. For example, in Yaoundé II, only 351 residents took part in the first PB cycle in 2009 but more than over 11,000 were involved by 2011. This rapid increase was the result of the mayor, residents and civil society organisations working together to build trust, as well as major awareness campaigns run in all neighbourhoods.

PB is neither a developmental “silver bullet” nor a universal panacea. But it can deliver much-needed public works in areas that have never previously benefited from state involvement. The benefits of PB also go beyond the material. In a city where entire neighbourhoods have been destroyed as part of “beautification” efforts, even a small project can confer a degree of legitimacy on an area and give residents “their right to live where they do”.

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The post Participatory Budgeting in Cameroon: Booklovers, Mayors and Citizens appeared first on Africa Research Institute.

In the heyday of African nationalism, the continent’s founding fathers plotted their vision of pan-African unity. The twin paths of closer political and economic integration appeared to them as the only means to achieve dignity prosperity and security. Today, closer integration between African states is once again a priority for the African Union and the regional institutions of southern, East and West Africa.

This panoramic survey investigates half a century of efforts to advance Africa’s integration, often hamstrung by a surfeit of competing ambitions and lack of political will. In recent decades, significant economic growth in many countries has been characterised by starkly rising inequality and entrenched poverty. The authors argue, plainly and without jargon, that the process of cooperation between states needs new direction.

The overriding purpose of integration must be to reduce poverty. Macro-economic targets are important, but for too long policymakers have placed disproportionate emphasis o the creation of larger trading blocs. Priority for regional public goods, whether publicly or privately funded, is a more effective strategy. From pan-African infrastructure to common standards in law and politics, they are a proven means to foster growth – and to distribute its benefits more widely.

The post Going Public: How Africa’s integration can work for the poor appeared first on Africa Research Institute.

East Africa’s most populous nation has been a beacon of political stability in a troubled region. Yet for most of Tanzania’s post-independence history, ethnic and religious tolerance has been underpinned by the dominant governing party Chama Cha Mapinduzi. An unyielding political machine has resisted attempts to wrest influence from the ruling elite.

Until now. A cross-party group of activist parliamentarians has boldly asserted their constitutional role: the ‘oversight’ of government business, and the ‘challenge function’ of standing up to executive power. The unfolding contest to transform Bunge, Tanzania’s National Assembly, is changing political life in ways which even the leading protagonists hardly believed possible.

In this candid and balanced report, three eminent parliamentarians describe their roles in these far-reaching reforms: from the first parliamentary committee of enquiry, to regular Prime Minister’s Questions and fresh scrutiny of the foreign donors who contribute more than 40% of the government budget. In the struggle to create vigilant and accountable public institutions in Africa, Tanzania has set an important precedent.

The post Bunge Lenye Meno: A parliament with teeth for Tanzania appeared first on Africa Research Institute.

Malawi is the most densely populated country in southern Africa. Without affordable fertiliser and other inputs, small farmers have struggled to grow enough food from over-cultivated soils. But after successive food crises, the government of Malawi acted against the advice of donors and many international experts to introduce a home-grown subsidy programme for smallholder farmers.

In this balanced and timely study, Blessings Chinsinga and Aoiffe O’Brien examine how agricultural subsidies can be made to work for rural populations. Despite fears of a return to the pervasive corruption, cronyism and waste which led to the abolition of agricultural subsidies throughout much of sub-Saharan Africa in the 1980s and 1990s, Malawi has set an important precedent.

The authors argue – plainly, and without jargon – that it is possible to design an effective and efficient subsidy for small farmers. While more remains to be done, Malawi’s innovative voucher-based programme has brought bumper maize harvests and stable prices. Many more rural communities, in Africa and across the developing world, could benefit if the lessons of this study are taken up by governments, donors and policy makers.

The post Planting Ideas: How agricultural subsidies are working in Malawi appeared first on Africa Research Institute.

Life expectancy in Zimbabwe is the lowest in the world, but Zimbabweans across the political spectrum insist the country can recover from its crisis. The Day After Mugabe collects the views of key actors, commentators and policy experts. The contributors unravel what has gone wrong, and identify priorities for a lasting recovery. Their analysis defines the issues which will determine Zimbabwe’s future.

The post The Day After Mugabe: Prospects for Change in Zimbabwe appeared first on Africa Research Institute.